0 Editorial: Democracy á la SBY

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, speaking in his capacity as chairman of the Democratic Party’s powerful general assembly, raised eyebrows last week when he announced a takeover of the party leadership to salvage its reputation. Yudhoyono has the right to take actions he deems necessary to save the party he helped found from the storm of corruption scandals plaguing a number of its elites. 

With only a year left before the legislative election, the party’s approval rate has nosed-dived to only 8 percent from 32 percent at the peak of its popularity in December 2009, according a recent survey conducted by Saiful Mujani Research & Consulting. Graft cases involving politicians of major political parties, including the Democratic Party, both at the national and regional level, have significantly contributed to their falling popularity. 

Therefore, Yudhoyono’s initiative on Friday to relieve party chairman Anas Urbaningrum of his duties so the latter might concentrate on his legal quandary and to clean up the party was understandable. The spring cleaning has already begun as evinced by the integrity pact signed by all party chapters on Sunday. Graft convict and former Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin has frequently named Anas as one of recipients of ill-gotten money he raised through state construction projects awarded to his company. 

Nazaruddin and his employee Mindo Rosalina Manullang said the firm was also partly owned by Anas. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has done its part in imprisoning Nazaruddin, Mindo and most recently by declaring a top Democratic Party’s figure, Andi Mallarangeng, a suspect. However, the antigraft agency remains unable to ensnare Anas. Yudhoyono’s option to put a firewall between Anas and the daily management of the party and any involvement in strategic decision making, such as the selection of legislative candidates, marks a breakthrough that other political parties can emulate. 

A politician had better be non-active when dealing with a scandal to accelerate its investigation. Unlike in advanced democracies, many public officials and politicians in Indonesia have resisted calls for their resignation despite their implication in criminal cases. Oftentimes, despite their conviction they cling to power or run for office after completing jail sentence, only because the law does not bar them from doing so. 

Under Yudhoyono, the Democratic Party has introduced a new practice that any party member named a graft suspect has to resign from his or her post and face dismissal. Still, Yudhoyono’s emergency action begs a few questions and some necessary criticism. The President’s decision to strike a compromise between his constitutional duties as the head of state and government with party commitments set a bad precedent because only a few months ago, he had asked his ministers from the ruling coalition to focus on their state jobs. 

Using the same pretext, Cabinet ministers from coalition partners, especially those from embattled political parties, may demand equal rights to shift time and energy to their political parties. Public distrust in the Democrats should not justify Yudhoyono’s decision to rein in his party, despite his pledge to serve the nation until the end of his mandate in October next year. The fact that the country faces uphill challenges in its bid to join the ranks of the world’s largest economies, as envisioned by Yudhoyono himself, requires further work that he may leave behind for whoever succeeds him. 

Yudhoyono has an opportunity to emerge as a game changer, rather than following the footsteps of previous Indonesian presidents who maintained their post as the paramount leader of their respective parties. Nothing is wrong with such a practice, but as the country’s history has shown, it cultivates a cult of personality and rampant cronyism. At least future Indonesian leaders will learn from the quagmire facing Yudhoyono that loyalty to the party must end when loyalty to the country begins.

source : the jakarta post